When most people think of migration and the Philippines they think of the emigration of Filipinos. There is a huge Filipino Diaspora. According to 2007 data from the Commission on Filipinos Overseas [1], there were an estimated 8,726,520 Filipino’s residing abroad in 2007, residing in almost 200 countries and territories. This makes Filipinos one of the largest emigrant populations in the world, with the equivalent of almost 10 percent of the country’s 88.5 million people residing outside the Philippines.
Despite a highly educated population, with 27 out of 100 Filipinos aged 25-64 having completed post-secondary education and 93.5 percent being able to speak and understand English (Department of Tourism, 2008; Virola, 2007), high unemployment rates and poverty persist and many Filipinos emigrate in search of better opportunities.
The Philippine government has pushed overseas migration and employment as a way to address “two major problems: unemployment and the balance of payments position” and to contribute to “the development of the country’s industrial base” (Agunias, 2008: 2). Indeed, remittances to the Philippines between 1990 and 2001 contributed 20.3 percent to the country’s export earnings and 5.2 percent of its gross national product (O’Neil, 2004). However, harnessing the benefits of migration for economic and social development in the Philippines remains a challenge, and the government is exploring new ways to benefit from the movement of people.
The Philippine government has started to facilitate the migration of people into the Philippines, specifically international students. Since the 1990s, the number of foreign nationals in the Philippines has increased steadily, yet little is known about these migrants. The focus within the country has always been on emigration and there is a historical “tendency of Filipinos to brush aside the entry of foreigners” (Miralao & Makil, 2007: 6).
This article explores the recent history of migration to the Philippines, looking specifically at the growing number of international students pursuing studies there and the government support and policy changes that are helping to facilitate these migrant flows. Of particular concern is whether or not quality standards are being upheld or improved in the context of a growing export-education industry.
I. Context of Philippine Migration
For the last 30 years, the Philippines has had a “culture of migration” (Asis, 2006). In 2005, a study by Pulse Asia found that if given the opportunity up to 33 percent of adult Filipinos would seek better opportunities abroad. The lack of sustained economic development, political instability, high unemployment levels and a growing population propel many Filipinos to migrate (Asis, 2006).
Prior to the 1970s, the Philippine government did not hold a particular position with regards to emigration. It was only when the oil-rich countries of the Middle East experienced rapid economic growth and extended offers of employment to foreign workers that the Philippine government began to support and actively facilitate the overseas employment of its citizens. During this period, the Philippine government began to view out-migration as a means of reducing domestic labor-market pressures, a source of foreign exchange and a way to develop the country’s industrial base. A nationwide overseas employment strategy was developed and a large bureaucracy was created to oversee the process of overseas employment.
The bureaucracy originally consisted of three institutions: the Overseas Employment Development Board (OEDB), the National Seaman Board (NSB) and the Bureau of Employment Services (BES). The OEDB and NSB developed the overseas employment market, recruited and negotiated favorable employment terms for workers, while the BES regulated private recruitment agencies and served as a temporary government-run employment agency. In 1982, the OEDB, NSB and BES merged to form the current Philippine Overseas Employment Administration [2] (POEA).
The POEA controls overseas employment by limiting participation to qualified employers, workers, recruiting and manning agencies; establishing the rules and regulations of the recruitment process; setting minimum employment standards; and maintaining a system of adjudication which attempts to ensure that all parties comply with rules and regulations (Aguinas, 2008; Diamond, 2001; O’Neil, 2004; Tigno, 1990).
In 2007, the Filipino emigrant population included 3.7 million permanent settlers, 4.1 million temporary labor migrants and an estimated 900,000 undocumented migrants (Commission on Filipinos Overseas, 2007). The following table shows the top ten global destinations for Filipino overseas workers (new hires and rehires) in 2007:
| Overseas Filipino Workers by Top Ten Destination – New Hires and Rehires, 2006-2007 | ||
| Destination | 2007 | 2006 |
| Saudi Arabia | 238,419 | 223,459 |
| UAE | 120,657 | 99,212 |
| Hong Kong | 59,169 | 96,929 |
| Kuwait | 56,277 | 45,795 |
| Qatar | 49,431 | 28,369 |
| Taiwan | 37,136 | 39,025 |
| Singapore | 37,080 | 47,917 |
| Italy | 17,855 | 25,413 |
| UK | 14,667 | 9,461 |
| South Korea | 14,265 | 13,984 |
| Other | 180,379 | 172,490 |
| Total | 811,070 | 788,070 |
Source: Commission on Filipinos Overseas [3], 2007
Of all Filipino overseas workers, 74 percent were land-based workers while the remaining 26 percent were seafarers. Filipinos fill a variety of positions, with healthcare, education, construction, and maritime industries predominating. However, occupations of overseas workers have diversified as more and more Filipinos have emigrated abroad and now include many other occupations and professions (Diamond, 2001; O’Neil, 2004).Most of the Filipinos who leave the country are in the most productive age group (25-44 years) (Zobel de Ayala, 2008), and are likely to be among the cohort’s best educated and highly skilled (O’Neil, 2004). In fact, the Philippines is considered “the leading exporter of nurses to the world and the second major exporter of physicians” (WHO, 2005). Between 1994 and 2003, 100,000 nurses left the Philippines (Miralao & Makil (eds) 2007; Zobel de Ayala, 2008), while in 2004, there was only one physician for every 880 people in the Philippines (WHO, 2005a).
II. Quality Education in the Philippines?
Three factors are used to assess the quality of the Philippine higher education system: the performance of graduates in professional board examinations administered by the Professional Regulations Commission [4] (PRC); the academic and physical infrastructure, including qualifications of faculty, staff, and entering students, instructional facilities and resources, library facilities, and curricula (Balmores, 1992); and thirdly, accreditation.
Accreditation in the Philippines is a voluntary process, carried out by a number of private organizations under the purview of the Commission on Higher Education [5] (CHED) through means of self-evaluation and peer visitation. CHED offers links to accredited programs [6] and universities through its website.
The Philippines has a large system of higher education with over 2,060 institutions of higher education (CHED, September 2008). However, there are serious concerns about the quality of instruction being offered by many of these institutions. For one, many Philippine university graduates fair poorly in the professional board examinations. From 1999-2004 the average passing rate was 37 percent (NOOSR, 2008). Secondly, a minority of the nation’s institutions of higher education has submitted their academic programs for evaluation. In 2007, only 386 of 2,036 institutions (19 percent), both public and private, had pursued accreditation. A total of 2,274 programs were accredited (CHED, 2007 [7]). Other factors, such as the lack of post-baccalaureate credentials among tertiary-level faculty, a focus on teacher-centered learning methods, an overly broad curriculum, and the entrance of ill-prepared high school graduates have led many to question the Philippine education system and have concerns about the ability of its graduates to meet domestic and international labor-market standards (Cortes, 1994; Gonzalez, 2004).
It is also of note that no Philippine university featured in the Times Higher Education’s Ranking of the World’s top 200 Universities [8] or Shanghai Jiaotong’s Academic Ranking of the World’s top 500 Universities [9].
As the Philippines continues to attract increasing numbers of international students, current quality assurance mechanisms need to be revisited and possibly become mandatory to ensure that graduates are prepared for continuing education or success in the international labor markets. The reputation of the Philippine education system is a mixed one. If the country wants to continue growing international enrollments, a reputation for high standards is essential.
III. A Re-Evaluation of Mass Emigration and a New Way Forward
One of the positive effects of emigration is that it can serve as a source of revenue and stability through the transmission of remittances. Remittances, the money migrants send home to their families, makes up a significant percentage of the country’s gross national product, strengthens the local currency (peso), improves foreign currency reserves, increases consumption and helps decrease unemployment and underemployment (Diamond, 2001; Zobel de Ayala, 2008). In 2007, US$14.5 billion was remitted to the Philippines (Philippines Central Bank, 2008 [10]) from overseas workers. Beyond economic gains, migration brings greater possibilities for transferring skills, ideas, technology, investment and entrepreneurial opportunities across borders and in local economies (Agunias & Newland 2007).
However, “converting gains from large-scale overseas employment into concrete development outcomes […] has turned out to be more difficult” (Agunias, 2008: 2). The Philippine government promoted and facilitated migration to harness the benefits of remittances for development purposes, yet little has changed in terms of social and economic development. In fact, “the economic benefits offered by overseas work have not brought about sustainable change and come with grave social costs” (O’Neil, 2004). There is increasing concern about the growth of a culture in which emigrating and working abroad is viewed as the only way to advance one’s lot. Furthermore, the “brain drain” of highly skilled professionals through out-migration has led many to question this type of development strategy.
IV. Immigration to the Philippines
Early Philippine Immigration (1500s – 1980s)
Although the predominant Philippine migration pattern is outbound, the country has historically also attracted overseas migrants from the Asian region. The main source countries have been Japan, China, Indonesia, India and Vietnam (Miralao, 2007).
The first major in-migration, before the Spanish arrived in the sixteenth century, came from Japan and China. While the Japanese settled in the south, most Chinese sought out more developed areas including the province of Cebu and the capital, Manila (Ang See, 2005 cited in Miralao, 2007; Azzurin, 2007 in Miralao & Makil, 2007).
With the arrival of the Americans in 1898, a second major group of immigrants began arriving in the Philippines. These included another wave of Japanese seeking to escape economic difficulties at home, Indonesians dealing with overpopulation, and Indians who sought to expand their businesses overseas (Azzurin 2007 in Miralao, 2007, Tan-Cullamark, 1989).
At the end of the Vietnam War in 1975 the UN Higher Commission on Refugees and the Philippine government set up a camp for Vietnamese refugees on the island of Palawan. Refugees that were not resettled to a developed country remained in Palawan where they settled into a distinctly Vietnamese community (Miralao, 2007).
Contemporary Immigration into the Philippines (1980s – present)
Today, migrants to the Philippines are arriving by choice, in search of economic, educational and social opportunities. These migration patterns are an example of today’s globalizing world, as people move semi-permanently across international borders for varying reasons and investments.
Given the longstanding problems of the Philippine economy – chronic unemployment, persistent poverty and other sociopolitical instabilities – most Filipinos could not imagine the Philippines ever becoming a place of destination for other peoples and nationalities.
(Miralao, 2007: 24)
Despite the major economic growth that China has witnessed in recent years, a large number of Chinese are seeking opportunities for settlement and investment in the Philippines. These new immigrants include business people seeking new markets in the Philippines, migrants hoping to learn English and then return to China with better job prospects and people searching for a way to circumvent China’s one-child policy. The latter group benefits from a rule exempting overseas Chinese who return to China from the one-child policy.
South Koreans are the most recent and visible group of migrants to the Philippines. Most South Koreans travel to the Philippines to seek out economic and educational opportunities. In the 1990s, South Koreans came to the Philippines to establish or expand their businesses, learn and improve their English, undertake higher-education programs, or to establish religious groups. Most come as temporary residents and stay in Metro Manila, as well as other cities such as Tarlac, Baguio, Dumaguete and Cebu, with little to no intention of remaining in the country permanently (Miralao, 2007).
Evidence of the increased migration of South Koreans to the Philippines may be seen in the increased incidence of air travel between the two countries. At present there are three daily return flights between the two countries and South Koreans now account for 15 percent of foreign arrivals in the Philippines. In 2007, there were 86, 800 South Korean immigrants in the Philippines, according to the Overseas Korean Foundation.
V. International Students in the Philippines
In academic year 2002-2003, the top five source countries for foreign students were South Korea, the United States, China, Taiwan and Indonesia. Between 1998 and 2003, there were a total of 3,301 South Korean students, comprising 22.3 percent of total foreign-student enrollments. Through the same timeframe a total of 3,278 Americans (22.1 percent), 2,125 Chinese (14.3 percent), 1,642 Taiwanese (11.1 percent) and 703 Indonesians (4.7 percent) enrolled at Philippine universities and colleges (Office of Student Services, Commission on Higher Education, as cited by Miralao, 2007).
By 2007, a total of 24,676 foreign students were studying in the Philippines. In the first quarter of 2008, 8,881 students were issued study visas and permits, which indicates a 36 percent increase from 2006. From January to March, 2008, the Bureau of Immigration [11] collected more than P16 million (US$345,000) from student visa and study permit fees (Bureau of Immigration, March 2008).
As of December 2007, the Bureau of Immigration issued 30,157 Special Study Permits (SSP) to international students, surpassing the previous year’s 24,345. The fees acquired through SSP processing alone contribute approximately P150 million (US$3.2 million) and provide employment to over 5,000 English teachers (Bureau of Immigration, March 2008).
Most international students choose the Philippines to study English, given that English is widely spoken and used in the country as both a business language and as the medium of instruction in schools. However, English is not the only motivation.
United States
Every year hundreds of Americans, mostly from the East Coast, apply to Philippine medical schools because it is more affordable or because they have not succeeded in gaining admission to U.S. medical schools. Medical schools in the Philippines charge approximately US$2,000 – $3,500 a year, with a one-time enrollment fee of between $5,000 and $8,000; a bargain in comparison to average annual tuition fees in the U.S. (2006) of almost $21,000 at public medical schools and almost $40,000 at private schools (Association of American Medical Schools [12], 2007).
South Korea
South Koreans come to the Philippines predominantly with the intention of learning English or to attend university. English proficiency is an important requirement today for educated Koreans entering the job market, and salary grades are often dependent on an employee’s level of proficiency with the language. In the past, South Korea’s richer families have learned English in Western countries. The proximity of the Philippines combined with lower living and tuition costs, provide middle-income South Koreans with access to overseas language learning they would otherwise not have had (Miralao, 2007).
Given that many South Koreans enter the Philippines to study English and South Korea also hosts a large number of foreign English teachers in South Korea, many Filipinos would like the opportunity to teach English in South Korea. However, Filipinos currently are not permitted to teach English in South Korea as English-teaching visas (E-2) are reserved strictly for native-English speakers from the United States, Canada, United Kingdom, Australia, New Zealand, South Africa and Ireland (Won-sup & Shin-who, 2008). However, this may soon change, as the popularity and reputation of English-language instruction in the Philippines grows, and both the South Korean and Philippine government move toward an agreement to allow increased educational exchanges (France-Presse, 2008).
South Korean students also come to the Philippines to enroll in university programs, with many Philippine universities enjoying a reputation for quality and easier access than top schools in Korea, which tend to be highly competitive. Koreans, and other nationalities, are also attracted by the country’s climate and recreational opportunities. The warm climate and abundance of resorts makes the country an attractive destination for students (Miralao, 2007).
VI. Visa and Migration Laws for International Students
A number of “foreigner-friendly immigration policies” have recently contributed to the growing number of South Koreans and other international students arriving and staying in the Philippines each year (Bureau of Immigration, March 2008). These include the introduction of new visas, simpler, faster and more decentralized processing of study permits and visas, and new regulations allowing foreigners to change their visa status (to become students) from within the country.
The Philippine government, through the Bureau of Immigration, has two main visa categories for foreign students wishing to study in the Philippines. One is a regular student visa, which would allow up to one year of study at a degree-/diploma-granting institution, and the other is a special study permit (SSP) for those who wish to enroll in a non-degree course. Non-degree courses are generally English courses and short programs of less than one year (Bureau of Immigration, 2008). Regular student visas are normally issued through Philippine embassies and consulates abroad with the visa initially valid for one year, with the possibility for renewal after each semester (University of the Philippines, n.d.c.). The student visa costs P9,820 (US$215) and takes approximately one week to process. The SSP costs P3,730 ($80) and takes a few days to a week to process. Compared with Australia – Asia-Pacific’s top exporter of educational services – where international students pay approximately $375 for a visa application which takes approximately three weeks to process, the Philippines has a competitive edge (Australian Government, 2008).
Over the last five years, a number of migration policy changes have taken place to facilitate the recruitment and retention of international students in the Philippines. In 2007, the Visa-Upon-Arrival-Program (VUAP) was introduced to facilitate easier processing of student visas. Before the VUAP, foreigners had to apply for a visa at the Philippine embassy or consular office in their country of origin. Under the VUAP, foreigners have the option to contact a legitimate local organization to have their visa request filed directly with the Bureau of Immigration. The application fee of P5,510 ($115) is paid only once and allows the applicant to remain in the Philippines for 30 days, with extensions for up to six months (Bureau of Immigration, 2008).
In early 2008, the visa-issuance-made-simple (VIMS) program was created to expedite visas and other immigration documents. It also aimed to decentralize immigration operations to make it easier for foreigners to apply for work and study permits and extensions from outside of Manila (Bureau of Immigration, January 2008). According to the Philippine Bureau of Immigration, VIMS has helped cut processing time for visa applications by an average of 58 percent.
In 2005, the government issued Executive Order 285, which enables tourists to upgrade the category of their visas to student visas (CITEM, 2006). This policy change has facilitated greater international student flows to the Philippines by allowing tourists to apply for student visas from within the country. This is particularly relevant for South Koreans, who vacation in the Philippines and can now vacation and become students without leaving the country. In fact, in 2007, 653,310 South Koreans arrived as tourists, accounting for 21.1 percent of all tourist arrivals (Daquiz, 2007).
In order to attract foreign students, the Philippine government created the Philippine ESL (English as a Second Language) Tour program in 2003. This program provides students the opportunity to learn English while exploring various tourist destinations in the Philippines. The program aims to make learning the language more exciting by engaging the participants in a variety of activities including excursions, immersions and games. The duration of the ESL tour programs vary, lasting from one week to one month depending on the needs and objectives of the students (CITEM, 2006). These programs are administered through the Philippines Department of Tourism offices located within embassies and consulates in other countries (Department of Tourism, 2008b).
Some Philippine universities are participating in education fairs in neighboring Asian countries. In 2006, four educational institutions participated in the sixth China Education Expo (CITEM, 2006). Further promotion of international education in the Philippines is taking place on the Internet through individual schools and program promotion, and particularly through personal networks and blogs created by current and previous international students in the Philippines.
Conclusion: Philippines Cashes in on All Forms of Migration
With a growing international education market, the Philippines is no longer simply looking to harness the economic benefits of migration through the overseas employment of Filipino citizens. Today, additional focus is being focused on promoting the Philippines as a study and investment location, which will enable the economy to benefit from job creation, investment and spending.
While migration to the Philippines is still small compared to the number of workers emigrating abroad, programs designed to facilitate migration to Philippines are a smart investment for the country’s future and they may help to curb some of the systemic problems related to unemployment and poverty in the country.
At the same time, the expansion of an export-education industry with questionable quality assurance mechanisms is a major concern. There needs to be more accountability to ensure that institutions of higher education enrolling foreign students are providing quality educational experiences so that the country can successfully market to international students and prepare them for successful careers and futures.
While a small player in the race for international students, the Philippines’ geographic location, educational opportunities, affordability, climate and culture make it a very appealing English-language study destination. The Philippines is not simply a country of mass-emigration, but it also attracts many migrants to study, invest and live in the country, and the government continues to search for new and innovative ways to invest in the migration of people.
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